girls in my country dont give head .. what do you suggest?

Discussion in 'Oral Sex' started by aynalikahve, Jul 25, 2014.

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  1. grbr657

    grbr657 Members

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    What about the blokes?
     
  2. dark suger

    dark suger Dripping With Sin!

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    TooReal u annoy the fuck outta me I'm sorry I just can't with u it's like u talk out ur ass all the time. Like I know I say some nonsense on here but at least it's either meant to be entertaining or helpful not just to post for the sake of posting or to try and call people out for no reason. Ur not real at all ur a jerk.
     
  3. TooReal

    TooReal Banned

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    You obviously have no sense of humor because my reply was funny as hell!! LOL!!!

    TooReal
     
  4. dark suger

    dark suger Dripping With Sin!

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    It wasn't funny at all nothing u have ever said has been funny
     
  5. TooReal

    TooReal Banned

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    So....if you do have Gender Confusion Issues I am deeply sorry and apologize for any harm I may have caused you....and you.


    TooReal
     
  6. I'minmyunderwear

    I'minmyunderwear Newbie

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    ^dark suger knows exactly what gender he/she is. it's everyone else who's confused about it.
     
  7. dark suger

    dark suger Dripping With Sin!

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    So.....eat a dick
     
  8. dark suger

    dark suger Dripping With Sin!

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    Lol so true
     
  9. TooReal

    TooReal Banned

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    Yeah...how did that become OUR problem?

    I know who and what I am.

    TooReal
     
  10. TooReal

    TooReal Banned

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    Actually I have.

    Bull's Penis in Argentina.

    Bulls Balls...Rocky Mountain Oysters.

    And in combat back in 1985 in Central America....a combatant who got the jump on me but had a misfire...attempted to stab me.

    He shifted his weight wrong....and he was wearing very thin pants suited for 120 degree weather.

    His crotch ended up near my face as I slid down a small hill as he was trying to stab me coming up the hill.

    I bit through his pant's and bit off his penis....took the WWII era U.S..made M-1 Carbine with Bayonet from him and pushed the bayonet under his chin and into his brain.

    Takes all kinds.

    TooReal
     
  11. TheGhost

    TheGhost Auuhhhhmm ...

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    [​IMG]
     
  12. Vanilla Gorilla

    Vanilla Gorilla Go Ape

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    85 is a bit off, where are you talking about Grenada?

    That will go down well at this site, pride at murdering impoverished brown people on some tiny little island
     
  13. Fairlight

    Fairlight Banned

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    You people are so smart.Has Skip re-formatted your brains?
     
  14. the_doors_of_perception

    the_doors_of_perception Member

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    It's kinda hard to believe all the girls in your country are the same :p
     
  15. dark suger

    dark suger Dripping With Sin!

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    Too real u r full of so much shit u should change ur name to septic tank
     
  16. TooReal

    TooReal Banned

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    I was never there....I never said this....someone said the letter S.

    Someone said the letter N.

    Someone....one's....had an entire Harbor to Mine.

    Then someone asked during Congressional Hearings....."Do you understand what the word "COVERT".....means and represents in my sentense...."We were ORDERED to perform a number of COVERT OPERATIONS.....authorized by what we were led to believe there existed U.S. PRESIDENTIAL NATIONAL SECURITY EXECUTIVE ORDERS AUTHORIZING COVERT LETHAL FORCE.

    By December 1981, the United States had begun supporting the Nicaraguan contras, armed opponents of the Sandinista regime.

    The Central Intelligence Agency (C.I.A.) was the U.S. Government agency that assisted the contras. In accordance with Presidential decisions, known as findings, and with funds appropriated by Congress, the C.I.A. armed, clothed, fed and supervised the contras. Despite this assistance, the contras failed to win widespread popular support of military victories within Nicaragua.

    Although the President continued to favor support of the contras, opinion polls indicated that a majority of the public was not supportive. Opponents of the Administration's policy feared that
    U.S. involvement with the contras would embroil the United States in another Vietnam. Supporters of the policy feared that, without U.S. support for the contras, the Soviets would gain a dangerous toehold in Central America.

    Congress prohibited contra aid for the purpose of overthrowing the Sandinista Government in fiscal year 1983, and limited all aid to the contras in fiscal year 1984 to $24 million. Following disclosure in March and April 1984 that the C.I.A. had a role in connection with the mining of the Nicaraguan harbors without adequate notification to Congress, public criticism mounted and the Administration's contra policy lost much of its support within Congress. After further vigorous debate, Congress exercised its constitutional power over appropriations and cut off all funds for the contras' military and paramilitary operations. The statutory provision cutting off funds, known as the Boland Amendment, was part of a fiscal year 1985 omnibus appropriations bill, and was signed into law by the President on
    October 12, 1984.

    Still, the President felt strongly about the contras, and he ordered his staff, in the words of his national security adviser, to find a way to keep the contras ''body and soul together.'' Thus began the story of how the staff of a White House advisory body, the N.S.C., became an operational entity that secretly ran the contra assistance effort, and later the
    Iran initiative. The action officer placed in charge of both operations was Lieut. Col. Oliver L. North.

    Denied finding by Congress, the President turned to third countries and private sources. Between June 1984 and the beginning of 1986, the President, his national security adviser, and the N.S.C. staff secretly raised $34 million for the contras from other countries. An additional $2.7 million was provided for the contras during 1985 and 1986 from private contributors, who were addressed by North and occasionally granted photo opportunities with the President. In the middle of this period, Assistant Secretary of State A. Langhorne Motley - from whom these contributions were concealed - gave his assurance to Congress that the Administration was not ''soliciting and/ or encouraging third countries'' to give funds to the contras because, as he conceded, the Boland Amendment prohibited such solicitation.

    The first contributions were sent by the donors to bank accounts controlled and used by the contras. However, in July 1985, North took control of the funds and - with the support of two national security advisers (Robert McFarlane and John Poindexter) and, according to North, Director Casey - used those funds to run the covert operation to support the contras.

    At the suggestion of Director Casey, North recruited Richard V. Secord, a retired Air Force major general with experience in special operations. Secord set up Swiss bank accounts, and North steered future donations into these accounts. Using these funds, and funds later generated by the
    Iran arms sales, Secord and his associate, Albert Hakim, created what they called ''the Enterprise,'' a private organization designed to engage in covert activities on behalf of the United States.

    The
    Enterprise, functioning largely at North's direction, had its own airplanes, pilots, airfield, operatives, ship, secure communications devices, and secret Swiss bank accounts. For 16 months, it served as the secret arm of the N.S.C. staff, carrying out with private and non-appropriated money, and without the accountability or restrictions imposed by law on t C C.I.,., c covt t corara aid program that Congress thought it had prohibited.

    Although the C.I.A. and other agencies involved in intelligence activities knew that the Boland Amendment barred their involvement in covert support for the contras, North's contra support operation received logistical and tactical support from various personnel in the C.I.A. and other agencies. Certain C.I.A. personnel in
    Central America gave their assistance. The U.S. Ambassador in Costa Rica, Lewis Tambs, provided his active assistance. North also enlisted the aid of Defense Department personnel in Central America, and obtained secure communications equipment from the National Security Agency. The Assistant Secretary of State with responsibility for the region, Elliott Abrams, professed ignorance of this support. He later stated that he had been ''careful not to ask North lots of questions.''

    By Executive Order and National Security Decision Directive issued by President Reagan, all covert operations must be approved by the President personally and in writing. By statute, Congress must be notified about each covert action. The funds used for such actions, like all Government funds, must be strictly accounted for.

    The covert action directed by North, however, was not approved by the President in writing. Congress was not notified about it. And the funds to support it were never accounted for. In short, the operation functioned without any of the accountability required of Government activities. It was an evasion of the Constitution's most basic check on executive action - the power of the Congress to grant or deny funding for Government programs.

    Moreover, the covert action to support the contras was concealed from Congress and the public. When the press reported in the summer of 1985 that the N.S.C. staff was engaged in raising money and furnishing military support to the contras, the President assured the public that the law was being followed. His national security adviser, Robert C. McFarlane, assured committees of Congress, both in person and in writing, that the N.S.C. staff was obeying both the spirit and the letter of the law, and was neither soliciting money nor co-ordinating military support for the contras.

    A year later, McFarlane's successor, Vice Admiral John M. Poindexter, repeated these assurances to Congressional committees. Then, with Poindexter's blessing, North told the House Intelligence Committee he was involved neither in fund-raising for, nor in providing military advice to, the contras.

    When one of Secord's planes was shot down over
    Nicaragua on October 5, 1986, the President and several Administration spokesmen assured the public that the U.S. Government had no connection with the flight or the captured American crew member, Eugene Hasenfus. Several senior Government officials, including Elliott Abrams, gave similar assurances to Congress.

    Two months later, McFarlane told Congressional committees that he had no knowledge of contributions made by a foreign country, Country 2, to the contras when in fact McFarlane and the President had discussed and welcomed $32 million in contributions from that country. In addition, Abrams initially concealed from Congress $32 million in contributions from that country. In addition, Abrams initially concealed from Congress -in testimony given to several committees -that he had successfully solicited a contribution of $10 million from
    Brunei.

    North conceded at the committees' public hearings that he had participated in making statements to Congress that were ''false,'' ''misleading,'' ''evasive and wrong.'' During the period when the Administration was denying to Congress that it was involved in supporting the contras' war effort, it was engaged in a campaign to alter public opinion and change the vote in Congress on contra aid. Public funds were used to conduct public relations activities; and certain N.S.C. staff members, using the prestige of the White House and the promise of meetings with the President, helped raise private donations both for media campaigns and for weapons to be used by the contras.

    Pursuant to a Presidential directive in 1983 the Administration adopted a ''public diplomacy'' program to promote the President's Central American policy. The program was conducted by an office in the State Department known as the Office for Public Diplomacy for
    Latin America and the Caribbean (S/LPD). S/LPD's activities were co-ordinated not within the State Department, but by an inter-agency working group established by the N.S.C. The principal N.S.C. staff officer was a former senior C.I.A. official, with experience in covert operations, who had been detailed to the N.S.C. staff for a year with Casey's approval, and who upon retirement from the C.I.A. became a special assistant to the President with responsibility for public diplomacy matters.

    S/LPD produced and widely disseminated a variety of pro-contra publications and arranged speeches and press conferences. It also disseminated what one official termed ''white propaganda'': pro-contra newspaper articles by paid consultants who did not disclose their connection to the Administration. Moreover, under a series of sole-source contracts in 1985 and 1986, S/LPD paid more than $400,000 for pro-contra public relations work to International Business Communications (IBC), a company owned by Richard Miller, whose organization was described by one White House representative as a ''White House outside the White House.''

    The Administration, like members of Congress, may appeal directly to the people for support of its positions; and Government agencies may legitimately disseminate information and educational materials to the public. However, by law, appropriated funds may not be used to generate propaganda ''designed to influence a member of Congress''; and by law, as interpreted by the Office of the Comptroller General, appropriated funds may not be used by the State Department for ''covert'' propaganda activities. A G.A.O. report concluded that S/LPD's white propaganda activities violated the ban on arranging ''covert propaganda.''

    Private funds were also used. North and Miller helped Carl R. (Spitz) Channell raise $10 million, most of which went to Channell's tax-exempt organization, the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty (N.E.P.L.). They arranged numerous ''briefings'' at the White House complex on
    Central America by Administration officials for groups of potential contributors. Following these briefings, Channell reconvened the groups at the Hay-Adams Hotel, and made a pitch for tax-deductible contributions to N.E.P.L.'s Central America ''public education'' program or, in some individual cases, for weapons. Channell's major contributors were given private briefings by North, and were afforded private visits and photo sessions with the President. On one occasion, President Reagan participated in a briefing.

    Using the donated money, Channell ran a series of television advertisements in 1985 and 1986, some of which were directed at television markets covering the home districts of Congressmen considered to be ''swing'' votes on contra aid. One series of advertisements was used to attack Congressman Mike Barnes, a principal opponent of contra aid, and one of the Congressmen to whom Administration officials had denied violating the Boland Amendment in September of 1985. Channell later boasted to North that he had ''participated in a campaign to ensure Congressman Barnes's defeat.''

    Of the $10 million raised by North, Channell and Miller, more than $1 million was used for pro-contra publicity. Approximately $2.7 million was sent through I.B.C. and offshore accounts of another Miller-controlled company to Secord's Swiss accounts, or to Calero's account in
    Miami. Most of the remainder was spent on salaries and expenses for Channell, Miller and their business associates.

    N.E.P.L.'s charter did not contemplate raising funds for a covert war in
    Nicaragua, and the Internal Revenue Service never approved such activity when N.E.P.L. was granted exempt status. As a consequence, Channell and Miller have each pleaded guilty to the crime of conspiring to defraud the United States Treasury of revenues ''by subverting and corrupting the lawful purposes of N.E.P.L.'' Channell named North as a co-conspirator.

    In private fund-raising, as in the ''white propaganda'' campaign, the goal of supporting the contras was allowed to override sensitivity to law and to accepted norms of behavior.

    Iran

    The N.S.C. staff was already engaged in covert operations through Secord when, in the summer of 1985, the Government of Israel proposed that missiles be sold to Iran in return for the release of seven American hostages held in Lebanon and the prospect of improved relations with Iran. The Secretaries of State and Defense repeatedly opposed such sales to a Government designated by the
    United States as a supporter of international terrorism. They called it a straight arms-for-hostages deal that was contrary to U.S. public policy. They also argued that these sales would violate the Arms Export Control Act, as well as the U.S. arms embargo against Iran. The embargo had been imposed after the taking of hostages at the U.S. Embassy in Teheran on November 4, 1979, and was continued because of the Iran-Iraq war.

    Nevertheless, in the summer of 1985 the President authorized
    Israel to proceed with the sales. The N.S.C. staff conducting the contra covert action also took operational control of implementing the President's decision on arms sales to Iran. The President did not sign a finding for this covert operation, nor did he notify the Congress.

    Israel shipped 504 TOW anti-tank missiles to Iran in August and September 1985. Although the Iranians had promised to release most of the American hostages in return, only one, Reverend Benjamin Weir, was freed. The President persisted. In November, he authorized Israel to ship 80 Hawk anti-aircraft missiles in return for all the hostages, with a promise of prompt replenishment by the United States, and 40 more Hawks to be sent directly by the United States to Iran. Eighteen Hawk missiles were actually shipped from Israel in November 1985, but no hostages were released.

    In early December 1985, the President signed a retroactive finding purporting to authorize the November Hawk transaction. That finding contained no reference to improved relations with
    Iran. It was a straight arms-for-hostages finding. National security adviser Poindexter destroyed this finding a year later because, he testified, its disclosure would have been politically embarrassing to the President.

    The November Hawk transaction had additional significance. The
    Enterprise received a $1 million advance from the Israelis. North and Secord testified this was for transportation expenses in connection with the 120 Hawk missiles. Since only 18 missiles were shipped, the Enterprise was left with more than $800,000 in spare cash. North directed the Enterprise to retain the money and spend it for the contras. The ''diversion'' had begun.

    North realized that the sale of missiles to
    Iran could be used to support the contras. He told Israeli Defense Ministry officials on December 6, 1985, one day after the President signed the finding, that he planned to generate profits on future arms sales for activities in Nicaragua.

    On
    December 7, 1985, the President and his top advisers met again to discuss the arms sales. Secretaries Shultz and Weinberger objected vigorously once more, and Weinberger argued that the sales would be illegal. After a meeting in London with the Iranian interlocutor and the Israelis, McFarlane recommended that the sales be halted. Admiral John Poindexter (the new national security adviser), and Director Casey were of the opposite opinion.

    The President decided to go forward with the arms sales to get the hostages back. He signed a finding on
    January 6, 1986, authorizing more shipments of missiles for the hostages. When the C.I.A.'s General Counsel pointed out that authorizing Israel to sell its U.S.-manufactured weapons to Iran might violate the Arms Export Control Act, the President, on the legal advice of the Attorney General, decided to authorize direct shipments of the missiles to Iran by the United States and signed a new finding on January 17, 1986. To carry out the sales, the N.S.C. staff turned once again to the Enterprise.

    Although North had become skeptical that the sales would lead to the release of all the hostages or a new relationship with
    Iran, he believed that the prospect of generating funds for the contras was ''an attractive incentive'' for continuing the arms sales. No matter how many promises the Iranians failed to keep throughout this secret initiative, the arms sales continued to generate funds for the Enterprise, and North and his superior, Poindexter, were consistent advocates for their continuation. What North and Poindexter asserted in their testimony that they did not know, however, was that most of these arms sales profits would remain with the Enterprise and never reach the contras.

    In February 1986, the
    United States, acting through the Enterprise, sold 1,000 TOW's to the Iranians. The U.S. also provided the Iranians with military intelligence about Iraq. All of the remaining American hostages were supposed to be released upon Iran's receipt of the first 500 TOW's. None was. But the transaction was productive in one respect. The difference between what the Enterprise paid the United States for the missiles and what it received from Iran was more than $6 million. North directed part of this profit for the contras and for other covert operations. Poindexter testified that he authorized this ''diversion.''

    The diversion, for the contras and other covert activities, was not an isolated act by the N.S.C. staff. Poindexter saw it was ''implementing'' the President's secret policy that had been in effect since 1984 of using nonappropriated funds following passage of the Boland Amendment.

    According to North, C.I.A. Director Casey saw the ''diversion'' as part of a more grandiose plan to use the Enterprise as a ''stand-alone,'' ''off-the-shelf,'' covert capacity that would act throughout the world while evading Congressional review. To Casey, Poindexter, and North, the diversion was an integral pat of selling arms to
    Iran and just one of the indended uses of the proceeds.

    In May 1986, the President again tried to sell weapons to get the hostages back. This time, the President agreed to ship parts for Hawk missiles but only on condition that all the American hostages in
    Lebanon be released first. A mission headed by Robert McFarlane, the former national security adviser, traveled to Teheran with the first installment of the Hawk parts. When the mission arrived, McFarlane learned that the Iranians claimed they had never promised to do anything more than try to obtain the hostages' release. The trip ended amid misunderstanding and failure, although the first installment of Hawk parts was delivered.

    The
    Enterprise was paid, however, for all of the Hawk parts, and realized more than an $8 million profit, part of which was applied, at North's direction, to the contras. Another portion of the profit was used by North for other covert operations, including the operation of a ship for a secret mission. The idea of an off-the-shelf, stand-alone covert capacity had become operational.

    On
    July 26, 1986, another American hostage, Father Lawrence Jenco, was released. Despite all the arms sales, he was only the second hostage freed, and the first since September 1985. Even though McFarlane had vowed at the Teheran meeting not to deliver the remainder of the Hawk parts until all the hostages were released, the Administration capitulated again. The balance of the Hawk parts was shipped when Father Jenco was released.

    In September and October 1986, the N.S.C. staff began negotiating with a new group of Iranians, the ''second channel,'' that Albert Hakim had opened, in part, through promises of bribes. Although these Iranians allegedly had better contacts with Iranian officials, they, in fact, represented the same principals as did the first channel and had the same arrangement in mind: missiles for hostages. Once again, the Administration insisted on release of all the hostages but settled for less.

    In October, after a meeting in
    London, North left Hakim to negotiate with the Iranians. Hakim made no secret of his desire to make large profits for himself and General Secord in the $15 billion-a-year Iranian market if relations with the United States could be restored. Thus, he had every incentive to make an agreement, whatever concessions might be required.

    As an unofficial ''ambassador'' selected by North and Secord, Hakim produced a remarkable nine-point plan, subsequently approve by North and Poindexter, under which the United States would receive ''one and one half'' hostages (later reduced to one). Under the plan, the
    United States agreed not only to sell the Iranians 500 more TOW's, but Secord and Hakim promised to develop a plan to induce the Kuwaiti Government to release the Daawa prisoners. (Seventeen Kuwaiti prisoners, connected to Al Dawa, an Iranian revolutionary group, had been convicted and imprisoned for their part in the December 12, 1983, attacks in Kuwait on the U.S. Embassy, a U.S. civilian compound, the French Embassy, and several Kuwaiti Government facilities.) The plan to obtain the release of the Daawa prisoners did not succeed, but the TOW missiles were sold for use by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. Following the transfer of these TOW's, a third hostage, David Jacobsen, was released on November 2, 1986, and more profit was generated for the Enterprise.

    Poindexter testified that the President approved the nine-point plan. But other testimony raises questions about this assertion. Regardless of what Poindexter may have told the President, Secretary Shultz testified that when he informed the President on
    December 14, 1986, that the nine-point plan included a promise about the release of the Dawa prisoners in Kuwait, the President reacted with shock, ''like he had been kicked in the belly.''

    During the negotiations with the second channel, North and Secord told the Iranians that the President agreed with their position that
    Iraq's President, Saddam Hussein, had to be removed and further agreed that the United States would defend Iran against Soviet aggression. They did not clear this with the President and their representations were flatly contrary to U.S. policy.

    . . .

    By permitting private parties to conduct the arms sales, the Administration risked losing control of an important foreign policy initiative. Private citizens - whose motivations of personal gain could conflict with the interests of this conuntry - handled sensitive diplomatic negotiations, and purported to commit the United States to positions that were anathema to the President's public policy and wholly unknown to the Secretary of State.

    The Coverup

    The sale of arms to
    Iran was a ''significant anticipated intelligence activity.'' By law, such an activity must be reported to Congress ''in a timely fashion'' pursuant to Section 501 of the National Security Act. If the proposal to sell arms to Iran had been reported, the Senate and House Intelligence Committees would likely have joined Secretaries Shultz and Weinberger in objecting to this initiative. But Poindexter recommended -and the President decided - not to report the Iran initiative to Congress.

    . . .

    According to North, a ''fall guy'' plan was proposed by Casey in which North and, if necessary, Poindexter, would take the responsibility for the covert contra support operation and the diversion. On
    Saturday November 22, 1986, in the midst of these efforts to conceal what had happened, Poindexter had a two and one half hour lunch with Casey. Yet Poindexter could not recall anything that was discussed.

    North testified that he assured Poindexter that he had destroyed all documents relating to the diversion. The diversion nevertheless was discovered on
    November 22, 1986, when a Justice Department official, assisting the Attorney General's fact-finding inquiry, found a ''diversion memorandum'' that had escaped the shredder.

    Prior to the discovery of the diversion memorandum, each interview by the Attorney General's fact finding team had been conducted in the presence of two witnesses, and careful notes were taken in accordance with standard professional practices. After discovery of the diversion memorandum -which itself gave rise to and inference of serious wrongdoing - the Attorney General departed from these standard practices. A series of important interviews - Poindexter, McFarlane, Casey, Regan and Bush - was conducted by the Attorney General alone, and no notes were made.

    The Attorney General then announced at his November 25 press conference that the diversion had occurred and that the President did not know of it. But he made several incorrect statements about his own investigation. He stated that the President had not known of the Israeli pre-finding shipments, and he stated that the proceeds of the arms sales had been sent directly from the Israelis to the contras. These statements were both mistaken and inconsistent with information that had been received during the Attorney General's fact-finding inquiry.

    Poindexter testified to these committees that the President did not know of the diversion. North testified that while he assumed the President had authorized each diversion, Poindexter told him on
    November 21, 1986, that the President had never been told of the diversion.

    In light of the destruction of material evidence by Poindexter and North and the death of Casey, all of the facts may never be known. The committees connot even be sure whether they heard the whole truth or whether Casey's ''fall guy'' plan was carried out at the public hearings. But enough is clear to demonstrate beyond doubt that fundamental processes of governance were disregarded and the rule of law was subverted.



    Now...if any of you out there actually thinks that North had to power or the juice to run this on his own....a Man who I find to look good on TV and Acticulate but certainly not someone who is going to be in the trenches anymore as at the time his idea of a TRENCH was launderng money from Iran through Manuel Noriega's Banks in Panama as we sold them the equivalent of PIN BALL MACHINE PARTS....which the Iranian's thought were spare parts for Iran's unmaintenanced and unable to fly but LETHAL AND CAPABLE IN THE EXTREME IF THEY COULD FLY.......F-14's....which we sold to the Shah of Iran so we pulled a DOC BROWN from Back to the Future....polished up some old F-5 or T-38 parts that looked similar but since this money for pinball machine parts was not being done with Iranian Operatives that actually KNEW what they were buying.....Iran got scrap!!!

    We got Millions of Dollars that the U.S. Congress promised to provide to Rebel Forces....THE U.S. CONGRESS CREATED IN THE FIRST PLACE.....and you don't start something like that and then pull the plug and say...."Oh! So Sorry!"

    North...NOT ME or my Teams....made the mistake of backing a specific Tin Plated Dictator which caused a Revolution and then what happened was the people started KILLING THEIR OWN AS SUSPECTED SPIES....even if we KNEW with 100% certainty they had no Communist Connections.

    A LOT of mistakes were made on all sides.

    But NONE of this would have happened if the Soviet Union had not been sending Heavy Military Hardware and Weapons and a LOT of Money to Cuba as Castro was attempting to start revolutions in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatamala, Haiti, Venezuela, Colombia, Brazil, Ecuador and EVEN PUERTO RICO....as Puerto Rican's are AMERICAN CITIZENS!!!

    Then of course we had our IDIOTS from the Oil Company and Natural Gas Company Executives.

    TooReal
     
  17. Piaf

    Piaf Senior Member

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    ^ too much boring text
     
  18. TooReal

    TooReal Banned

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    Since I hold the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights close to my heart I understand your right to your own opnion.....at least if you live in the U.S. or Canada.

    But what you posted was....too much boring text....describes the PIVITOL MOMENT that made the Soviet GRU understand that because Cuba could not create Communist Revolutions in all those Central and South American Nations I listed....their Triple Play Invasion Attack would fail.

    This Pivitol Moment was the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the END of Mutually Assured Destruction via Thermonuclear Warheads!!!!

    When the Soviet Union collapsed Russian Leader Boris Yeltsin was so worried that a KGB Takeover might occur that he released all Soviet Military Invasion Plans....which we knew about anyway.

    The plan was for Cuba to strt Revolution after Revolution in Central and South America and while the U.S. Military had it's eye's turned trying to stop 20 or more Communist Revolutions.....the Triple Attack would begin.

    Massive numbers of Soviet Mechanized Divisions would quickly move as deeply into Western Europe as to avoid the launching of U.S. Tactical and Battlefield Nukes.

    Soviet Divisions would cross the Bering Strait and invade Alaska.

    And Soviet Divisions would invade the Oil Rich Middle East especially Saudi Arabia.


    This Soviet Plan was INSANE of course but it did not mean they were not serious about it.

    One of the first JOBS I was given was to study Soviet Leader Yuri Andropov....the man who almost started WWIII in 1983 as Andropov was sick, mentally ill and dying and he let it be known to his Aid's that HE would go down as the Soviet Leader who destroyed America and NATO.

    The KGB were so concerned about Andropov's state of mind they were coming up to us in broad daylight in West Berlin saying..."I think we BOTH have a problem!"

    LINK....http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nukevault/ablearcher/

    This link tells you how you came just 45 seconds from being vaporized in 1983.

    TooReal
     
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